Edellinen - Seuraava - Sanomapark perjantai 2010-01-29 - N:o 1101 - Kaiken keskellä aina läsnä - Maailman luetuin suomalainen Sanomapark - Sanomisen ja julkaisemisen vapautta vuodesta 1999 - Vastaava päätoimittaja Pertti Manninen - Terror is the price of support for despots and dictators

Uusin - Linkit joka etusivulle - Haku - 10 v! - Ilmoitukset - Viikkosanomat-blogi - Arkistosta jotakin väkivallasta ja muustakin 1999-2003. Lue!


Sanomanetti
N:o
1101

Perjantai
2010-01-29
 
Ilmoita ilmaiseksi sivu!
Varastettua kuvaa etsimässä: Matti Vanhanen ja Meri-Kukka Forsius intiimisti. Viikkosanomat: Cul-de-sac
Tony Blair gives evidence to Iraq war inquiry Guardian - Irak: Pääkirjoitus, kuvia ja linkkejä. Lue&katso!

Arkisto 2004. "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan?". Salmén



Leif Salmén: "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan?

Sanomapark keskiviikkona 13. huhtikuuta 2005. Etusivu. Numero 340.   

Tulossa?



19.03.2005.
George W. Bush ja Tony Blair sekä Saddam kahleissa. "Tulossa?"-kuvat unelmoinut Pertti Manninen.


Tulossa?

"Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan? Teen vaatimattoman ehdotuksen; järjestetään tribunaalit Saddamia, Bushia ja Blairia vastaan rinnakkain. Silloin olisi ainakin joku mahdollisuus saada esiin koko totuus. Ja jos jonon jatkoksi laitetaan vielä Putin?

Se, joka rahoittaa tulevan presidentin valtaanpääsyn, vaikuttaa puolestaan siihen, millaista politiikkaa presidentin hallinto harjoittaa. Nykyisen presidentin yhteydet tiedettiin hyvin jo ennen viime kierrosta ja suunnitelmat olivat paperilla. Olisi pitänyt ymmärtää heti alkuun, mitä on tulossa. Nyt tiedetäänkin, että Irakin sota oli päätetty aloittaa jo heti Bushin kauden alussa.

Sodan seurauksista kärsitään nyt Irakissa ja maailmalla.
Vasta runsas vuosi sitten meille kuitenkin vakuutettiin, että Saddamin vangitseminen lopettaa vastarinnan. Rauhaan ei kuitenkaan ole mitään mahdollisuuksia niin kauan kuin amerikkalaiset miehittäjät ovat maassa. Eikö sitä nyt jo vihdoin ymmärretä? Eikö jo Afganistan ole opettanut tarpeeksi?
Sodan alussa ei haluttu mainita Vietnamia. Eikö Vietnam ole jo läsnä?

Bushin USA:ta ja Blairin Isoa-Britanniaa odottaa Irakissa historiallisen katkera tappio. Pahiten valheille perustuneesta aggressiosta kärsii kuitenkin Irakin kansa."

Leif Salmén. Kolumni. Taas raha puhuu. Iltalehti keskiviikkona 13.4.2005. Katkelmia.


Comment is free
Blair's crime of hubris
Blair's boast about WMD points to a fertile new field of inquiry that Chilcot must not duck
Jonathan Steele guardian.co.uk, Sunday 13 December 2009 23.00 GMT

Tony Blair's boast that he would have sought to remove Saddam Hussein even if he knew Iraq's president no longer had weapons of mass destruction brings fresh evidence that he probably committed a crime in going along with George Bush's invasion. It also puts the spotlight on Gordon Brown, David Miliband and the rest of the Labour cabinet of the time.

Perhaps that was the purpose behind the former prime minister's extraordinary claim in his BBC interview with Fern Britton yesterday. Perhaps he wants to bring his colleagues down with him, for the nub of Blair's new case is that he could have persuaded the cabinet to go to war even if there were no Iraqi WMD. "You would have had to use and deploy different arguments about the nature of the threat", as he put it with his customary arrogance. Could he have succeeded? Would the cabinet really have been so weak that they dared not resist? The challenge to the Chilcot inquiry is to invite Blair's senior ministers to come before it and answer the same question: would you have gone along with an invasion, even if you knew Iraq was disarmed?

It is hard to see how there could have been any legal basis for an invasion if Saddam had been shown to have disarmed. UN security council resolution 678, dating back to 1990, on which the attorney general flimsily relied for his eve-of-war advice to Blair that the war was legal, justifies force only in the case that Saddam was not complying with demands that he disarm. Once it became clear Iraq no longer had WMD, resolution 678 falls away.

Apart from WMD there was no other conceivable foundation for an invasion. Using force to produce regime change on humanitarian grounds is not permissible under international law, and the attorney general told Blair as much in July 2002. Nor is there any way that the security council would have authorised it later on that year or in 2003.

Yet Blair in effect admits he and Bush planned to launch a war even if they knew there was no chance of getting UN approval. In cases brought before the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia, political leaders who plotted large-scale illegal violence were described as collaborating in a "joint criminal enterprise". Here too is a fertile new field of inquiry that Chilcot must not duck. ...

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/dec/13/blair-crime-hubris-wmd-chilcot


http://www.guardian.co.uk/ 29 January 2010

Tony Blair gives evidence to Iraq war inquiry – LIVE
• 'No secret deal with Bush'
• Terror threat 'changed dramatically' after 9/11
• Ex-PM could be recalled to inquiry 573 comments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blog/2010/jan/29/iraq-war-inquiry-tonyblair

Occupation almost failed, says Blair
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jan/29/blair-iraq-inquiry-chilcot-911-terrorist-threat

The key points at a glance
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-inquiry-key-points

Video: Watch highlights of Blair's evidence
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/video/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-inquiry-evidence

Families of dead voice anger at 'smirking' Blair
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-war-inquiry1

Anti-Blair protests at the Iraq inquiry
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/gallery/2010/jan/29/tonyblair-iraq

Blairometer: how Twitter rates performance
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blairometer/history

No Frost/Nixon moment just yet
Comment is free: Jackie Ashley, Martin Kettle, Jonathan Freedland and Seumas Milne on Blair 170 comments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-iraq-inquiry1

Afua Hirsch: Nuance is the order of the day
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-inquiry-afua-hirsch

Mehdi Hasan: Blair's truth and lies
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-iraq-inquiry

29 January 2010


Arkistosta.

Sanomapark tiistai 2006-12-08.
 
Sanomapark tiistai 2006-12-08.



Kuva. "Suomen lippu hämärän sinessä kuukausi sitten 2006-11-06 jolloin oli jo lunta maassa toisin kuin tänään" Pertti Manninen. Kuva.

Pääkirjoitus  Suomalaisten sotaintoilijoiden, valheisiin uskoneiden, niin johtajien kuin mediankin tarina karkeasti raapaistuna. Anteeksipyyntöä nämä intoilijat eivät ole esittäneet. Vieläkin puhutaan ja kirjoitetaan kunniallisesta vetäytymisestä. Ruumiita ei lasketa. Pertti Manninen. Pääkirjoitus. Sanomapark. Perjantai 2006-12-08.

Paavo Lipposen hallituksen päätös irakilaisdiplomaattien karkottamisesta oikeuskanslerin tutkittavaksiLue! 

Nettisanomien Irak-kirjoitukset 1999- 2006.

1999-08-27  -   2001-09-10  Lue!
2001-09-11  -   2002-12-31  Lue!
2003-01-01  -   2003-03-19  Lue!
2003-03-20  -   2003-05-01  Lue!
2003-05-02  -                     Lue!



Arkistosta.

Sanomapark torstai 2003-04-10.

"Täytyy valita millä puolella on. Joko on ihanteiden, oikeudenmukaisuuden, isänmaan, moraalin, maailmanmarkkinoiden, hyvinvoinnin, elinkeinoelämän - ja napalmin puolella - tai niiden karkeiden kansojen puolella joita kiinnostavat enemmän puuvillanhinnat ja maa ja oikeus kuin yläluokan oikeudenmukaiset ihanteet." Jan Myrdal 24.07.1966.

Valtauksen merkki. Vaikea kuva 2003. Keskiviikkona 09.04.2003 näimme teeveessä kuinka Saddamin patsas kaadetaan. Näimme kuinka kasvot peitettiin ensin USA:n lipulla ja sitten Irakin lipulla ja näimme lopuksi patsaan romahduksen ja hävittämisen.

Seuraavana päivänä 10.04.2003 vain yhdessä käsiini sattuneista lehdistä oli kuva USA:n lipusta Saddamin kasvoilla: Sanomalehti Kalevassa. Muut tyytyivät näyttämään "vain" patsaan kaatamisen ja hävittämisen. Nämä muut olivat: Dagens Nyheter, Helsingin Sanomat, Iltalehti, Ilta-sanomat ja Keskisuomalainen.
Pertti Manninen, sanomanetti.fi 10.04.2003.



Reuters 10.04.2003. Kaleva. Valtauksen merkki. Yhdysvaltain merijalkaväen sotilas peitti Saddam Husseinin kasvot tähtilipulla Bagdadissa. Hetken kuluttua lippu vaihtui Irakin lipuksi. Seppo Ylönen, Kaleva.

Arkistosta.

Sanomapark torstai 2003-04-10.


Jan Myrdal 24.07.1966 Aftonbladet.
Suomentanut Auli Tarkka vuonna 1971 suomeksi ilmestyneeseen kirjaan Sanankäyttöä, johon Johan von Bonsdorff ja Auli Tarkka valitsivat artikkelit. Oikeuden voitto eli rehellisin kansa.
Reuters 10.04.2003. Kaleva.
Valtauksen merkki.
Yhdysvaltain merijalkaväen sotilas peitti Saddam Husseinin kasvot tähtilipulla Bagdadissa. Hetken kuluttua lippu vaihtui Irakin lipuksi. Seppo Ylönen, Kaleva.

Arkistosta.

Sanomapark torstai 2003-04-10.

Valtauksen merkki. Vaikea kuva 2003. "...vain yhdessä käsiini sattuneista lehdistä oli kuva USA:n lipusta Saddamin kasvoilla: Sanomalehti Kalevassa." Pertti Manninen.
Irakin sota. Valtauksen merkki.Yhdysvaltain merijalkaväen sotilas peitti Saddam Husseinin kasvot tähtilipulla Bagdadissa. Hetken kuluttua lippu vaihtui Irakin lipuksi. Kaleva. Saddamin hallinto on kaadettu. Symboli nurin.Saddam Husseinin kuusimetrinen patsas kaadettiin Bagdadin keskustassa kaupunkilaisten ja amerikkalaisten voimin. Kaleva. Tapahtui keskiviikkona 09.04.2003.
Saddam Husseinin valta kaatui vihdoin Bagdadissa. Yhdysvaltain joukot kaatoivat presidentti Saddam Husseinin kuusimetrisen patsaan Bagdadin keskustassa keskiviikkona. Keskisuomalainen. Amerikkalaisten mukaan Irakin hallitus on vihdoin kukistettu. Keskisuomalainen.
Irakin hirmuhallitsijan metallinen patsas läsähti maahan. Helsingin Sanomat.
Saddamin valta romahti Bagdadissa. Saddamin patsas putoaa maahan Bagdadin keskustassa keskiviikkona. Yhdysvaltain panssaroitu ajoneuvo kiskoi patsaan jalustaltaan. Helsingin Sanomat.
Saddams välde har fallit. Saddamsstatyn pä paradistorget i Bagdad fälldes med amerikansk hjälp. När jättestatyn hade dragits omkull väntade folkets vrede. Irakier med tunga släggor gick lös på statyn och krossade huvudet. Dagens nyheter. Bagdad antautui, mutta missä on Saddam? Liittouman voitonjuhlaa himmensi pelko siitä, missä Saddam on ja voiko hän vielä iskeä takaisin. Ilta-sanomat.
"Diktaattori on poissa." Saddamin mahalasku. Iltalehti.


2008-11-21  perjantai  (905)

Irak-kirjoituksia ym. arkistosta poimittuna tänään. Lue!

Pääkirjoitus &  Paavo Lipposen hallituksen päätös irakilaisdiplomaattien karkottamisesta oikeuskanslerin tutkittavaksi. & Nettisanomien Irak-kirjoitukset 1999- 2006.
Oikeuden voitto eli rehellisin kansa. Jan Myrdal. & Valtauksen merkki.
Valtauksen merkki. Vaikea kuva 2003.
USA ja liittolaiset ovat vallanneet Bagdadin eilen 9. huhtikuuta 2003. "Täsmäiskut" jatkuvat.
Är det bara "våra" liv som har något värde? "... Vain "meidänkö" elämällämme on jotain arvoa?" John Pilger. AFTONBLADET
USA:s invasion bör förklaras illegal. USA:n hyökkäys pitää julistaa laittomaksi. DGENS NYHETER
Liittohallituksen täytyy sanoutua irti. DIE WELT
"Bushin akilleenkantapää on talous" DAGENS NYHETER
George W. Bush ja Tony Blair sekä Saddam kahleissa. Kuvat. & "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan? Leif Salmén. ILTALEHTI
USA lade fram sina bevis.  DAGENS NYHETER. & Powell: Irak pettää YK:ta ja kätkee joukkotuhoaseita. HELSINGIN SANOMAT.
Vem ska hänga Bush?  Kuka hirttää Bushin? AFTONBLADET

Irak-kirjoituksia ym. arkistosta poimittuna tänään. Lue!


Lue myös! 13.02.2003.


2003  USA lade fram sina bevis. 
 Dagens Nyheter torsdag 06.02.2003. 

   
Powell: Irak pettää YK:ta ja kätkee joukkotuhoaseita.
Helsingin Sanomat torstaina 06.02.2003

Sanomapark torstaina 13. helmikuuta 2003.

USA lade fram sina bevis.

Utrikesminister Colin Powell anklagade Irak för att gömma massförstörelsevapen.
Foto: Ett av bevisen mot Irak. USA:s utrikesminister Colin Powell håller upp ett litet glasrör som skall innehålla mjältbrandvirus inför FN:s säkerhetsråd. DAGENS NYHETER. 06.02.2003. Sidan 1.

Powell: Irak pettää YK:ta ja kätkee joukkotuhoaseita.
USA uskoo Irakin kokeilevan pernaruton levittämistä hävittäjäkoneista. Ulkoministeri sanoi Saddamin tekevän yhteistyötä al-Qaidan kanssa.
Kuva: USA:n ulkoministeri Colin Powell esitteli turvallisuusneuvostossa koeputken avulla miten pieni määrä pernaruttoa riitti sulkemaan Yhdysvaltain senaatin vuonna 2001. Irak on saattanut tuottaa pernaruttobakteereita siihen verrattuna kymmentuhatkertaisesti, Powell sanoi. Jyri Raivio, HELSINGIN SANOMAT. HELSINGIN SANOMAT 06.02.2003. Sivu3, pääuutissivu.
Sanomapark 13.02.2003.


Lue myös! 18.12.2003.

2003 "Mina damer och herrar, vi tog honom"
DAGENS NYHETER  MÅNGAG 15 DECEMBER 2003.

   
Kaikki pyjamahousut 16.95 e.
HELSINGIN SANOMAT MAANANTAINA 15. JOULUKUUTA 2003.
 

Sanomapark torstaina 18. joulukuuta 2003.
Irak.
Saddam vangittu. Suorassa television tiedotustilaisuudessa näytettiin katkelmia lääkärintarkastuksesta. Presidentti George W. Bush vaatii kuolemanrangaistusta. Saddam tuomitaan irakilaisessa tuomioistuimessa. Irakin hallinnon pystytys jatkuu. Joukkotuhoaseiden etsintä jatkuu. Kaadot Irakin armeijasta kymmeniä tuhansia. Surmat siviiliväestöstä kymmeniä tuhansia. Kaadot liittoutumasta satoja. Tappaminen jatkuu.
Pääkirjoitus.
Saddam on vangittu. Kuinka kahden maan suurimmat aamulehdet uutisoivat asian etusivullaan.  "Mina damer och herrar, vi tog honom" DAGENS NYHETER 15.12.2003. - Kaikki pyjamahousut 16.95 e. HELSINGIN SANOMAT 15.12.2003. Pertti Manninen. 18.12.2003.


Lue myös! 19.03.2005. 

Sanomapark. Extra!

"Paul Wolfowitz".

Kuva: Pertti Manninen. 

Sanomapark lauantaina 19.03.2005. Extra!                                              
Paul Wolfowitz Maailmanpankin johtajaksi! Presidentti Bushin tekemä nimitys on provokaatio muuta maailmaa vastaan!
"Wolfowitz är en av ideologierna bakom Bush administrationens utrikespolitik, byggd på kampen för amerikansk överhöghet och uppfattningen att demokrati och frihet kan bombas fram." ... " Politiskt företräder han en extrem nyliberalism i ekonomiska frågor och extrem kristen konservatism i moraliska. Aftonbladet Ledare "En ren provokation" fredag 18.03.2005. www.aftonbladet.se/vss/ledare/story/0,2789,618740,00.html
"Valmistellessaan Irakin sotaa Pentagonissa Wolfowitz teki räikeitä virheitä, joita hän ei ole tunnustanut eikä kantanut vastuutaan. Ne ovat viivyttäneet jälleenrakennusta ja maksaneet raskaita veriuhreja, jotka olisi paremmalla suunnittelulla ja viisaammalla politiikalla voitu välttää." Helsingin Sanomat Pääkirjoitus "Wolfowitz on kyseenalainen valinta" lauantaina 19.03.2005. Maksullinen.
"
USA:s olagliga krig mot Irak har krävt minst 100 000 liv, en stor del av dem civila. Svält och sjukdomar hos barn har fördubblats sedan kriget som inleddes för exakt två år sedan. Kvinnorättigheter har beskurits. Viktiga delar av Bagdads oersättliga kulturarv har skövlats. Tusentalet amerikanska soldater har dödats, många fler har invalidiserats." Aftonbladet Ledare "Imperiet kan inte vinna Irakkriget" lördag 19.03.2005. www.aftonbladet.se/vss/ledare/story/0,2789,619644,00.html
2 vuotta sitten: "Verimyrsky". "USA ja liittolaiset aloittivat "täsmäiskut" Bagdadiin aamuyöllä tänään 20. maaliskuuta 2003."  www.Sanomapark.fi/2003/03/20/etusivu.htm
"Paul Wolfowitz" Isonna kuva! 


Lue myös! 09.04.2005. 

Sanomapark lauantaina 09.04.2005.  Tänään lauantaina 9. huhtikuuta 2005 on kulunut tasan kaksi vuotta siitä kun USA:n joukot valtasivat Bagdadin ja kaatoivat Saddamin patsaan. Kaikki näytti sujuvan hienosti ja nopeasti. Toisin kuitenkin kävi.
Veri virtaa edelleen ja maa on kaaoksessa. Joidenkin arvioiden mukaan 100 000 siviiliä on saanut surmansa, Irakin armeijan sotilaiden kuolleiden lukumäärää ei tiedetä ja USA kaunistelee omien nuorukaistensa tappiolukuja. Ne ovat virallisesti tällä hetkellä noin 1500, mutta oikeasti ainakin tuplaten suuremmat, kun mukaan otetaan myös haavoittuneena aluksi selvinneet mutta sotilassairaaloissa kuolleet. 
Tappaminen jatkuu. Irakin hallinnon pystytys jatkuu. Sähkölinjojen korjaus jatkuu. Vesijohtoputkien korjaus jatkuu. Lapset eivät uskalla mennä kouluun, naiset eivät uskalla kävellä ulkona jne jne.  Alkuperäisen tv-ruudun kuvan tulkinnut Pertti Manninen. "Saddam kaatuu 09.04.2003".
Lue myös!
Valtauksen merkki. Vaikea kuva 2003. "...vain yhdessä käsiini sattuneista lehdistä oli kuva USA:n lipusta Saddamin kasvoilla: Sanomalehti Kalevassa."  2003/04/10/irakinsota.htm  
Paul Wolfowitz. Kuva. 2005/03/19/wolfowitzkuva.htm
Irak.
Sanomapark vuoden 2001 syyskuusta vuoden 2003 maaliskuun 20. päivään.  54 linkkiä! 


Aftonbadet  Publicerad: 2007-01-04
http://www.aftonbladet.se/vss/kultur/story/0,2789,967691,00.html

Vem ska hänga Bush?
 
SLAVOJ ZIZEK ser USA fortsätta i Saddams spår
...

 Vad, exakt, är det som de inte kontrollerar? I essän ”Dictators and Double Standards” (Diktatorer och dubbelmoral), som publicerades i tidskriften Commentary 1979, gjorde Jeanne Kirkpatrick en utförlig distinktion mellan ”auktoritära” och ”totalitära” regimer, en distinktion som skulle rättfärdiga den amerikanska politik som gick ut på att samarbeta med högerdiktatorer medan kommunistiska regimer behandlades mycket hårdare: auktoritära diktatorer är pragmatiska härskare som är upptagna av sin makt och rikedom och likgiltiga inför ideologiska frågor, även om de med läpparna kan bekänna sig till någon stor sak; totalitära ledare däremot är osjälviska fanatiker som tror på sin ideologi och är beredda att sätta allt på spel för de egna idealens skull. Så medan auktoritära härskare går att hantera eftersom de reagerar på materiella och militära hot på ett rationellt och förutsägbart sätt, är totalitära ledare däremot mycket farligare och måste konfronteras direkt.
 
Ironiskt nog fångar denna distinktion på ett perfekt sätt det som gick fel med den amerikanska ockupationen av Irak: Saddam var en korrumperad auktoritär diktator som eftersträvade makt och vägleddes av brutala pragmatiska överväganden (vilket gjorde att han samarbetade med USA genom hela 1980-talet).
...
 Ett av resultaten av den amerikanska interventionen är att en mycket mer kompromisslös ”fundamentalistisk” politisk-ideologisk konstellation har bildats i Irak. Med tanke på att det slutgiltiga resultatet av USA:s ockupation av Irak är att de pro-iranska politiska krafterna har blivit dominerande, har interventionen i praktiken lämnat över Irak till det iranska inflytandet. Man kan föreställa sig hur Bush, om han skulle ställas inför krigsrätt av en stalinistisk domare, omedelbart skulle fördömas som iransk agent. De våldsutbrott som präglar Bushs politik är därför inte exempel på maktutövning, utan snarare på panikåtgärder, irrationella passages à l’acte.
...
Detta är det trick som de som i dag påstår att ”Världen är trots allt bättre utan Saddam!” försöker lura oss med: de glömmer att ta med i redovisningen effekterna av själva den militära interventionen mot Saddam. Ja, världen är bättre utan Saddam - men är den bättre om vi i den sammantagna bilden inkluderar de ideologiska och politiska effekterna av just denna ockupation?
 
USA som världspolis - varför inte? Situationen efter det kalla kriget krävde i praktiken att någon global makt skulle fylla tomrummet. Problemet ligger inte där: minns den vanligt förekommande synen på USA som ett nytt romerskt imperium. Problemet med dagens USA är inte att det är ett nytt globalt imperium, utan att det inte är det, det vill säga att USA, samtidigt som det låtsas vara ett imperium, fortsätter att agera som en nationalstat, som hänsynslöst främjar sina egna intressen. Det är som om rättesnöret bakom USA:s politik på senare år har varit en konstig omvänd version av ekologernas välkända motto: handla globalt, tänk lokalt.
 
Efter 11 september gavs USA ett tillfälle att inse vad för slags värld det är en del av. USA skulle ha kunnat utnyttja detta tillfälle - men det gjorde man inte, i stället valde man att på nytt hävda sitt traditionella ideologiska engagemang:


bort med ansvars- och skuldkänslor för den utfattiga tredje världen, det är vi som är offren nu!


Apropå Haagtribunalen utropade Timothy Garton Ash patetiskt: ”Ingen Führer eller Duce, ingen Pinochet, ingen Idi Amin och ingen Pol Pot ska längre få känna sig säker på att kunna undkomma den folkliga rättvisans ingripande bakom statssuveränitetens palatsgrindar.” Man kan bara notera vad som saknas i denna rad av namn som, förutom det vanliga paret Hitler och Mussolini, innehåller tre diktatorer från tredje världen: var finns åtminstone ett enda namn från något av de sju mäktigaste länderna? Eller, om man ska hålla sig till standardlistan över skurkar, varför säger Ash, Michael Ignatieff med flera, som annars brukar utbrista i patetiska hyllningar till Haagtribunalen, ingenting om idén att lämna över Noriega och Saddam till Haag? Varför Milosevic och inte Noriega? Varför hölls det inte ens någon offentlig rättegång mot Noriega? Var det för att han skulle ha berättat om sitt samarbete med CIA, som inbegrep att USA såg genom fingrarna med hans inblandning i mordet på Omar Torrijos Herrera? På liknande sätt var Saddams regim en avskyvärd auktoritär stat, skyldig till många brott, i första hand mot sin egen befolkning.
 
Man bör emellertid lägga märke till det märkliga men viktiga faktumet att när amerikanska regeringsföreträdare och de irakiska åklagarna räknade upp Saddams illdåd så utelämnade de systematiskt det som utan tvekan var hans största brott (i termer av mänskligt lidande och kränkning av den internationella rättvisan): angreppskriget mot Iran. Varför? Därför att USA och majoriteten av utländska stater aktivt bistod Irak i denna aggression. Och inte bara det: USA förlänger nu med andra medel Saddams största förbrytelse, hans försök att störta den iranska regeringen - vilket är ytterligare en anledning att ställa frågan: Vem ska hänga George W Bush?

Slavoj Zizek

Översättning: Tor Wennerberg

Slavoj Zizek är filosof och psykoanalytiker, verksam vid filosofiska fakulteten i Ljubljana. Hans senaste bok heter The Parallax View (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2006) 


http://www.aftonbladet.se/vss/kultur/story/0,2789,967691,00.html

Kuvia sunnuntaina 2007-01-07- Vem ska hänga Bush?  "Man bör emellertid lägga märke till det märkliga men viktiga faktumet att när amerikanska regeringsföreträdare och de irakiska åklagarna räknade upp Saddams illdåd så utelämnade de systematiskt det som utan tvekan var hans största brott (i termer av mänskligt lidande och kränkning av den internationella rättvisan): angreppskriget mot Iran.

Varför? Därför att USA och majoriteten av utländska stater aktivt bistod Irak i denna aggression. Och inte bara det: USA förlänger nu med andra medel Saddams största förbrytelse, hans försök att störta den iranska regeringen – vilket är ytterligare en anledning att ställa frågan: Vem ska hänga George W Bush?
Slavoj Zizek.
Torstain 2007-01-04 Aftonbladet R-kioskista klo 15.55. 
Vem ska hänga Bush? 
 




2008-11-21  perjantai  (905)
Presidentti George Bush-nukke poltetaan miehityksen jatkamista vastustavassa mielenosoituksessa samalla jalustalla, josta presidentti Saddam Hussein-patsas revittiin alas USA:n joukkojen hyökättyä Bagdadiin viisi ja puoli vuotta sitten. Perjantai 2008-11-21. 


"Om styrkorna inte ger sig av så står jag och de mina på er sida när ni kör ut dem på det sätt som ni finner lämpligt så länge det inte strider mot Allahs lag. Prisad vare Hans namn!" Muqtadr al-Sadr.
Presidentti George Bush-nukke poltetaan miehityksen jatkamista vastustavassa mielenosoituksessa samalla jalustalla, josta presidentti Saddam Hussein-patsas revittiin alas USA:n joukkojen hyökättyä Bagdadiin viisi ja puoli vuotta sitten. Kuvat Pertti Manninen svt1:n lähetyksestä perjantaina 2008-11-21 klo 19:06-19:07.

News  World news  Iraq
Martin Chulov in Baghdad guardian.co.uk, Friday November 21 2008 18.31 GMT

Shia protesters in Baghdad condemn deal to keep US troops in Iraq


Protesters burn effigy of US president in show of contempt for deal to keep US troops in country for three more years


Shia protesters today defaced and burned an effigy of the US president, George Bush, in a show of contempt for the deal struck between the departing US administration and the Iraqi government to keep US troops in Iraq for three more years.

The protest, organised by supporters of hardline Shia cleric Muqtadr al-Sadr, drew thousands to the central Baghdad square in which a statue of executed Iraqi president Saddam Hussein was torn down and destroyed five years ago by US Marines and bystanders.

The demonstration followed a week of tension in the national parliament stemming from a cabinet decision to approve the deal, which for the first time commits US forces to a departure date in 2011 and gives the central government a more dominant role in Iraqi affairs during the interim.
guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/21/iraq-usa
 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/ 29 January 2010

Tony Blair gives evidence to Iraq war inquiry – LIVE
• 'No secret deal with Bush'
• Terror threat 'changed dramatically' after 9/11
• Ex-PM could be recalled to inquiry 573 comments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blog/2010/jan/29/iraq-war-inquiry-tonyblair

Occupation almost failed, says Blair
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jan/29/blair-iraq-inquiry-chilcot-911-terrorist-threat

The key points at a glance
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-inquiry-key-points

Video: Watch highlights of Blair's evidence
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/video/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-inquiry-evidence

Families of dead voice anger at 'smirking' Blair
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-war-inquiry1

Anti-Blair protests at the Iraq inquiry
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/gallery/2010/jan/29/tonyblair-iraq

Blairometer: how Twitter rates performance
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blairometer/history

No Frost/Nixon moment just yet
Comment is free: Jackie Ashley, Martin Kettle, Jonathan Freedland and Seumas Milne on Blair 170 comments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-iraq-inquiry1

Afua Hirsch: Nuance is the order of the day
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-inquiry-afua-hirsch

Mehdi Hasan: Blair's truth and lies
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-iraq-inquiry

29 January 2010

http://www.guardian.co.uk/ 29 January 2010   

News Politics Politics blog
Tony Blair at Iraq inquiry – live
• Blair says he has no regrets about Iraq war
• Denies doing a secret deal with Bush at Crawford
• Says Saddam in 2010 may have been even greater threat
• Press the PLAY button below to start live video stream

Posted by Andrew Sparrow Friday 29 January 2010 08.24 GMT guardian.co.uk

8.23am: Tony Blair's appearance at the Iraq inquiry today is one of the most eagerly-awaited political events of the early, possibly one of the most eagerly-awaited events of the last 10 years. But exactly what sort of event is it going to be?

A war crimes trial? No. Sir John Chilcot has made it clear that no one is on trial at the Iraq inquiry and there is no evidence, from the questions they've been asking, to suggest that Chilcot and his team believe that Blair did anything corrupt. Blair will get asked about claims that he exaggerated the intelligence case, but the inquiry panel – unlike Blair's critics – seem to take the view that exaggerating isn't the same as lying.

A truth and reconciliation commission hearing? No. Blair has given countless speeches and interviews about Iraq over the last seven years and there is no evidence to suggest that he has been harbouring some extraordinary secret relating to what happened that he is suddenly going to share with the world today.

A contemporary history seminar? We will get that, but Blair must know that the public expects much more than a dusty account of who said what when. The Iraq war is now hugely unpopular and it has tainted Blair's legacy. Today he will have to defend it.

So what will we get? I'm not really sure. But Blair was probably the best advocate/communicator of his political generation and today could turn out to be his last really big performance on the British political stage. It should be an extraordinary day.

8.29am: I thought I was in early, but Blair got to the QE2 centre at 7.30am today. There are "scores" of protesters outside the conference centre, but they are outnumbered by police. Here's what the Press Association is saying.

There was a stand-off between police and leaders of the Stop the War Coalition, who accused the Metropolitan Police of breaking agreements on where protesters would be allowed to stand.
The demonstrators were prevented from gathering on a grassed area outside the main entrance to the QEII Centre.
Police had erected two lines of barriers overnight, forcing them to stand on the pavement opposite Westminster Abbey.
Many of the demonstrators wore T-shirts bearing the slogan "Jail Tony".

8.31am: If you haven't already, do read Patrick Wintour's account of what Blair is likely to say today. It's all good stuff, but I particularly liked his explanation of why the secret letters Blair wrote to George Bush won't be published. Patrick quotes an ally of Blair's who said:

I do not believe any of them show he is saying he will commit British troops unconditionally. He is supportive, but Bush is quite a simple man who won't read beyond the first paragraph if you don't say you are with him. I don't think they can be published. They go the heart of the UK-US relations. They are full of scurrilous remarks about other people, including [Jacques] Chirac.

8.36am: It is taken as fact that the Iraq war is now viewed by most members of the public as a mistake, but it's hard to find good polling evidence that backs this up.

The most recent poll I'm aware of that asked about Iraq was one conducted by YouGov earlier this month. Annoying, YouGov did not ask a simple question about whether the war was right or wrong. But they did find that 52% of respondents said that Blair "deliberately said out to mislead the public" and that 23% said Blair "knowingly misled parliament and the public and should be tried as a war criminal", which does give a reasonably good insight into public opinion.

The YouGov website has also got a chart showing how the public response to the "was the war right or wrong" question changed from 2003 from 2007. On March 18 2003 (the day of the Commons vote) 50% of people supported the war, and 42% were opposed. By April 10 2003 support for the war hit 66%, with 29% opposed. But by April 2007 only 26% supported the war, and 60% were opposed.

8.51am: Blair is now being criticised for arriving at the QE2 centre through a side door. This is what Lindsey German, convener of the Stop The War Coalition, is saying:

He doesn't have the decency or honesty to face up to the public, military families, and Iraqis who will be here today in huge numbers to show their opposition to the war. He does not have the integrity to come and face the people. Sliding in by a back door entrance is typical of his lies, deceit and evasion.

8.58am: Denis MacShane, the former minister, has just been on News 24 defending Blair. He deserves a mention because he has written the best of the pro-Blair Iraq articles to appear in the national press over the last week or so. Admittedly, he has not had much competition, but if you want to read the Blair case, MacShane's article in the Independent is worth a read. Here's a flavour of it.

Which of the many senior politicians caught in the long-running debate over the Iraq conflict said that Saddam Hussein "most certainly has chemical and biological weapons and is working towards a nuclear capacity" and that the now famous dossier "contains confirmation of information that we either knew or most certainly should have been willing to assume?"

Not Jack Straw nor Geoff Hoon, whose evidence to Sir John Chilcot is central to the inquiry. Not an Alastair Campbell parrot but the Right Honourable Sir Menzies Campbell MP QC, speaking in the debate in the Commons in September 2002 when the now infamous dossier was published. The point is made not to mock Ming Campbell, whose views changed as events unfolded, but as a reminder that the Chilcot Inquiry is taking an increasingly surreal turn as it discusses not the history of what happened but the contemporary passions of protagonists nearly a decade later.

9.06am: Several papers have published their version of the "10 questions Blair must answer" piece. Our contribution to the genre is here. But, if 10 isn't enough for you, do read this, from the Plaid Cymru MP Adam Price. He has produced 63 questions for Blair to answer. I do like the fact that he settled on 63. You can be confident that he hasn't just made some up to reach a nice round number.

9.11am: News 24 are saying there are about 200 protesters outside the QE2 centre now.

9.16am: In the interests of competition and pluralism, here are some links to the other live blogs or Twitter feeds covering the hearing.

The FT's Westminster Blog

The Times' live blog

Channel 4's Iraq Inquiry blogger on Twitter

The Daily Telegraph's live blog

Iraq Inquiry Digest's live blog

Politics Home live blog

Sky News Glen Oglaza's Twitter feed

9.31am: They're about to start.

9.31am: We won't be getting new documents today, the BBC says.

9.32am: Sir John Chilcot starts by reminding members of the public in the room that they have to behave properly.

The lunch break will last for an hour and a half, not an hour as is usual, to allow time for members of the public to take their seats for the afternoon session, Chilcot says.

He says today's hearing is "much anticipated". He will set out what today's hearing will and will not cover. The relatives of those killed in Iraq want to know why Britain went to war. The inquiry will ask those questions, and identify lessons to be learnt.

The committee is not a trial ... We come to our work with no preconceptions.

This is Blair's first appearance.

But there will be further hearings later in the year. If necessary, the inquiry iwll speak to Blair again.

First news item: Blair told he may be recalled.

9.35am: Chilcot says the hearings will concentrate on how the Iraq policy developed, how it was presented to the British people and the later diplomacy. The hearing will then move on to the planning for the aftermath, what happened after the war, the deterioriating situation and the sectarian violence.

9.37am: Chilcot says people have written to the inquiry wanted to know why Britain went to war.

Sir Roderic Lyne gets to ask the first question. He wants to asks about the origins of Blair's Iraq's policy. Containment had "prevented Saddam Hussein from threatening his neighbours or developing nuclear weapons". But there were concerns about the policy.

(Lyne is being very long-winded today. Lord Goldsmith complained about him asking a question with 18 sentences in it. This one seems almost longer!)

Before 9/11, how did Blair view containment.

(At last. 10 minutes after they started, Blair gets to speak.)

Blair says:

Up to September 11, Saddam was still a problem.

There was an attempt to put in place smart sanctions. The first military action Blair had taken was against Saddam in 1998.

I would fairly describe our policy up to September 11 as doing our best ... but with a different calculus of risk assessment ... The crucial thing after September 11 was that the calculus of risk changed.

9.42am: Blair says he could not get support for the smarter sanction proposals. ...

9.45am: Lyne suggests that, objectively, the threat from Iraq did not change after 9/11....

9.49am: Lyne says Saddam was not linked to al-Qaida. Had the threat from Iraq increased? ...

9.57am: Blair says containment through sanctions "had basically been eroding". There was a new sanctions framework. But it had been watered down to get it through the UN. ...

10.00am: Blair says there was a lot of discussion in government about whether the new sanctions framework would be effective. ...

10.05am: Blair says he wanted to sent a "powerful, clear and unremitting message" after 9/11 "that if you were a regime engaged in WMD, you had to stop". ...

10.16am: Blair delivers a pithy riff about it was his job to protect Britain, how he viewed Saddam as a monster, how he was sceptical about the sanctions regime before 9/11, and how after 9/11 he took a completely new approach to risk. It has a slight rehearsed feel to it, but it sounded punchy. I will try to put up the quote in full when I get a chance.

10.20am: Lady Prashar asks about regime change. Blair says that regime change was US policy. And it became US policy because Iraq was in breach of its UN obligations.

It's more a different way of expressing the same proposition.

10.22am: Chilcot says that he is going to publish two new documents that have been mentioned in the hearing. I presume one is the March Cabinet Office paper that is already available on the internet. The two documents are not on the inquiry's website yet.

10.25am: Prashar asks about the meeting at Chequers before Crawford. She says Michael Boyce, the then chief of defence staff, did not remember being at the meeting. Blair says he remembers Boyce being there.

10.26am: Prashar turns to Crawford. ...

10.39am: Lyne asks if Blair had to persuade Bush to go down the UN route. ...

10.48am: Blair says that Arab leaders in the region were "glad to see the back of Saddam". He was "a menace on the Middle East peace process". ...

10.54am: Here are the main points.

• Blair strongly denied doing any secret deal with Bush at the meeting in Crawford in April 2002. He said he was quite open about his determination to deal with Saddam Hussein. He insisted that he made this point publicly in the press conference he held with Bush. (See 10.26am)

• He said that did not set conditions when he told Bush that he would support him in his drive to deal with Iraq. Blair said the US/UK relationship was an alliance, not a contract. (See 10.26am)

• He suggested that there was no real difference between wanting regime change and wanting Iraq to disarm. (See 10.20am)

• But he also admitted that he made a misake when he gave an interview to Fern Britton last year and said that he would have wanted to get rid of Saddam even if he had know Iraq had no WMD. (See 10.05am)

• Sir John Chilcot signalled that Blair is likely to be called to give evidence again. (See 9.32am)

• Blair said he was "frustrated" by George Bush's unwillingness to make more progress on the Middle East in 2002 and 2003. (See 10.39am and 10.43am)

11.12am: They're back. ...

11.18am: Sir Martin Gilbert asks about the WMD intelligence. ...

11.27am: Sir Lawrence Freedman says Iran, Libya and North Korea were seen as a greater threat than Iraq. Why was Iraq singled out? ...

11.32am: Freedman asks about the September dossier. ...

11.37am: Freedman asks if he was concerned about the intelligence having an "exaggerated sense of importance" when he saw the headlines about the 45-minute claim. ...

11.51am: Sir Roderic Lyne asks why Blair thought the WMD threat from Iraq was "growing". At previous hearings, Lyne has suggested that there is no evidence to support this claim, which Blair made when he presented the September dossier to parliament. ...

11.57am: There's a very strong "Iran is a threat" theme running through Blair's evidence today. He has mentioned Iran several times, and the comment he made at 11.51am - about having to take Iraq-style decisions again in the future - seemed to be aimed at Iran.

12.00pm: Freedman asks about the suggestion that Blair should have been more open about the fact that he was planning for war. ...

12.05pm: Freedman asks about the need to get a second UN resolution. Blair says that, having gone down the UN route, he wanted to continue going down the UN route. ...

12.19pm: Freedman asks if Blair was hoping that Blix would reinforce his view that Iraq was not cooperating with the inspectors. ...

12.23pm: Blair says he was struck by the report Blix produced on February 26. The Iraqis had made a commitment to allow interviews. But scientists were reluctant to allow themselves to be interviewed. ...

12.29pm: Blair says:

If you've got a regime that you believe is a threat, you may change them through sanctions, but they've got to be sustainable.

But the best way is for the regime to have a "change of heart", he says.

Blair says the Blix reports suggested that Iraq had not had a change of heart.

12.31pm: Freedman asks if Blair's decision to try to get a second resolution suggested he was trying to curtail the inspections process because of the needs of the military planning. ...

12.35pm: Freedman says support for war was "moving away" in the security council. Would it not have been a good time to "take stock"? He says that David Manning and Jeremy Greenstock both told the inquiry that the inspectors should have been given more time. ...

12.47pm: Here are the main points from the second half of the morning.

• Blair said that if Saddam had not been removed in 2003, he would pose a greater threat now. He described this as the "2010 question". Instead of asking whether it was right to remove Saddam in 2003, the inquiry should ask what would have happened if he had not been removed. He also insisted that Britain might have to take action to deal with a rogue state posing a WMD threat again. (See 11.51am and 12.23pm)

• Blair appeared to say that publishing the dossier on Iraq's WMD was a mistake. He said it would be better to publish the reports from the joint intelligence committee. (See 11.37am)

• He said he disagreed with witnesses like Jeremy Greenstock and David Manning who said the weapons inspectors should have been given more time. (See 12.35pm)

• He said it would have been impractical for British and American troops to remain on the border of Iraq for months. (See 12.05pm)

• He insisted that there was evidence to suggest that the WMD threat from Iraq was "growing". (See 11.51am)

• He denied claims made in earlier hearings that he stopped the Ministry of Defence ordering vital equipment when it wanted in 2002 because he did not want people to find out he was preparing for war. He said that if the MoD had insisted that it needed to start the procurement process earlier, he would have agreed. (See 12pm)

• He said that some unspecified Arab countries told him they were keen on "getting Saddam out" if there had been a second UN resolution. (See 12.31pm)

• Blair appeared to criticise Hans Blix, the UN weapons inspector, for changing his story about what happened in 2003. (See 12.35pm)

• Blair said that the military wanted to make a large contribution to the war because they wanted to be "at the centre of things". (See 11.12am)

• He identified William Hague, the former Tory leader, as one of the politicians urging him before the war to be more aggressive towards Iraq, not less aggressive. Denis MacShane made a similar point in the article I mentioned earlier. (See 11.37am)

1.23pm: I'm glad I'm not having to write the news story. Blair has said plenty of things that are interesting, but there is no single "line" that is obviously stronger than all the others. But I'm really struck by the tone of his evidence. Most other witnessses who have defended the war have done so with reservations. Alastair Campbell was gung-ho, but spoke about the past, and the removal of a terrible dictator. Blair appears to have no doubts about what he did and he explains this by looking to the future. Saddam would have been even more of a threat if he were still in power, Blair said. He suggested that the threat from rogue states is now even more serious than it was in 2003 and that Britain will have to launch an Iraq-style attack in the future. And he has singled out one country as a special menace. This hearing is meant to be about Iraq. But what is really fascinating is the point Blair is making about Iran.

1.54pm: Here is the full quote from Blair about the "2010 question". (See 12.23pm)

Sometimes what is important is not to ask the March 2003 question, but to ask the 2010 question. Supposing we had backed off this military action, supposing we had left Saddam and his sons who were going to follow him in charge of Iraq - he had used chemical weapons, caused the death of over a million people. What we now know is that he retained absolutely the intent and the intellectual know-how to restart a nuclear and a chemical weapons programme when the inspectors were out and the sanctions changed, which they were going to do.

Now, I think that it is at least arguable that he was a threat, that had we taken that decision to leave him there, with an oil price not 25 dollars but 100 dollars a barrel, he would have had the intent, he would have had the financial means, and we would have lost our nerve.

1.57pm: Nick Robinson on the World at One says that Blair seemed to display "sheer terror" at the start of the hearing. Robinson was in the room and he says Blair's hands were shaking. He looked more nervous than at any point since he was running for Labour leader in 1994, Robinson says. But Robinson says the nerves seemed to fade once Blair got into his stride.

2.01pm: They're back.

2.02pm: Do read the verdict on this morning's hearing from our Comment is Free panel (Jackie Ashley, Jonathan Freedland and Martin Kettle). It's just gone up.

2.05pm: Sir Roderic Lyne asks about the French position before the war. ...

2.09pm: Lyne asks about the post-conflict preparations. ...

2.17pm: Lyne says he is going to turn to the legal issues.

He says he is going to summarise what the inquiry has heard already. (That's new. It's not a procedure they have used before.)

Lyne says there was no legal basis for regime change. Laywers in the US favoured the "revival argument", using the authorisation for the use of force contained in UNSCR 678. But the UK lawyers felt there had to be a fresh UN resolution. The UN adopted 1441. But there were different interpretations as to whether that authorised war without a second resolution. Lord Goldsmith was telling Blair until February 2002 that there would have to be a second resolution. Is that a fair summary, Lyne asks.

Blair agrees.

Lyne continues his summary. Goldsmith then submitted his advice. He said a second resolution would be the "safest course". But he said a "reasonable case" could be made that a second resolution was not necessary. Goldsmith said a reasonable case did not mean he would be confident of winning if the case ever went to court. By this stage Goldsmith had parted company from the Foreign Office lawyers. Goldsmith said he was then asked to provide a "yes or no" decision. By March 13 he had decided to give a clear statement saying there was no need for a second resolution. But Goldsmith did need a determination that Iraq was in breach of its UN obligations. The Foreign Office lawyers thought that only the security council could give that determination. But Goldsmith said a member state could give that determination. He got Blair to provide a statement to that effect.

Is that a fair summary, Lyne asks.

Blair makes one point. What was important to him about 1441 was not just that it declared Saddam in breach, but that it said a failure by Iraq to comply unconditionally and immediately constituted a further material breach, Blair says.

...

2.38pm: Lyne says Goldsmith told Downing Street he thought 1441 would not justify war without a second resolution in late 2002. Goldsmith was not asked to offer formal advice. Would it not have been better if he had submitted formal advice at that point, Lyne asks. ...

2.51pm: Lyne asks about the possibility of a legal challenge. How convinced was Blair that he had a strong legal case?

Blair says he needed to know from Goldsmith that the war was lawful. Blair says that as a laywer he wrote many opinions himself. They tended to have a "on the one hand, on the other" character. But, in an opinion, you have to come down on one side. Goldsmith did come down on one side, Blair says.

2.56pm: Prashar asks now about planning for the war. She says MoD guidelines said the army needed six months to prepare for a conflict. David Manning told the inquiry that Blair sought to delay planning for as long as possible. Was Blair told of the implications of a delay? ...

3.03pm: Prashar asks about the post-war planning. ...

3.21pm: Chilcot asks about the government's failure to anticipate what might happen in a worst case scenario. ...

3.26pm: The last 80 minutes have been verging on the tedious. I could not quite spot where Sir Roderic Lyne's legality questions were heading, and the post-war planning exchanges weren't illuminating. But there were some revelations. Here they are.

• Blair blamed Iran and al-Qaida for the problems with post-war Iraq. He said that the absence of a functioning civil service also created difficulties, but he said that Britain and American could have coped if that was all they were up against. It was the intervention of outsiders that brought things to a crisis point. (See 3.02pm and 3.18pm)

• He said that as prime minister he had never refused a request for money or equipment from the MoD. I think he meant a request for money or equipment for a specific operation. We know that the MoD complained about the settlement they got in the spending review during Blair's premiership. (See 2.56pm)

• Blair said the Americans had made mistakes with their postwar planning. But he did not personalise this and he expressed this diplomatically, saying that Washington accepted this because various American reports have exposed the problems. (See 3.03pm)

• He insisted that Britain had planned for the aftermath. But it had focused on averting a humanitarian catastrophe, not the breakdown of law and order. (See 3.03pm)

• He said that Bush told him that the US could go to war without the UK. (See 2.09pm)

3.45pm: During the break Sky devoted much of its coverage to criticising the quality of the questioning. Is this a sign that, with Blair not making any dramatic revelations or concessions, the media may decide that the real story is "Blair being let off the hook"?

3.49pm: They're back. Sir Martin Gilbert is asking about MoD funding. He says the Urgent Operational Requirements (UORs) - the MoD requests for money for operations - diverted funds away from other parts of the MoD budget. ...

3.55pm: Blair is talking again about the problems caused by the Iran. He says he "tried" with the Iranians. He reached out to them. ...

4.03pm: Lyne asks if Britain was consulted about the proposals to disband the Iraqi army and impose de-Baathication - the sacking of Iraqi civil servants who belonged to the Baath party. ...

4.07pm: Sir Lawrence Freedman asks when Blair realised there was no WMD in Iraq. ...

4.16pm: Blair says that when the Americans attacked Fallujah in April 2004, he initially thought they were going in "too hard". Now he is not so sure. ...

4.22pm: Blair says what happened in Iraq was this. There was one conflict, that was over quickly. There was the aftermath. And then, by 2006/2007, there was a different type of conflict.

He says four things were required to win this: "political buy in", Iraqi military capability, more troops, and the determination to "stick at it".

4.24pm: Freedman asks about Abu Ghraib. Did Blair know that was going to come out?

Blair says the revelations took the White House by surprise. He says he was shocked when he saw the pictures and he acknowledges it caused damage to the coalition cause.

4.27pm: Freedman quotes some figures for the documented civilian deaths in Iraq:

Jan 2004 - 570
Jan 2005 - 1,042
Jan 2006 - 1,453
Jan 2007 - 2,807

Blair says he thinks the overall figure for deaths during this period was around 100,000. He says that figures comes from the Iraq Body Count and research by the Brookings Institute.

He says the deaths were being caused by the groups attacking the British and Americans.

(This is the first time, I think, in any of the inquiry hearings I have covered that anyone has actually mentioned specific casuality figures.)

4.31pm: Blair accepts that this was a US/UK responsibility. ...

4.36pm: They turn to Afghanistan. Lyne asks if Blair was concerned about having the army fighting in Iraq and Helmand, in Afghanistan.

Blair says the proposal to deploy more troops to Helmand came from the MoD.

4.38pm: Prashar asks why Clare Short's department was originally excluded from the group planning for the aftermath. ...

4.40pm: Chilcot says government papers were not circulated widely. Did cabinet ministers have enough information to understand "and challenge" the policy? ...

4.46pm: Blair says Goldsmith did not need to be able to be sitting in cabinet to be able to offer an opinon. ...

Prashar says that if Goldsmith did attent cabinet, there would have been better collective decision making.

Blair says the cabinet did not want to discuss the legality of the war. It just wanted to know whether it was legal or not.

On other issues, the cabinet did want to have a debate.

Chilcot asks about the involvement of legal advice in policy making.

He says there was a clear objective set for Iraq. But there were moments when that policy objective could have been blocked by a legal constaint. Is that unavoidable?

Blair says it was unavoidable in this case.

There could have been a major debate about the legality of Kosovo. But there wasn't because there was public support for the mission.

The law and the politics follow each other quite closely.

4.55pm: Prashar asks why no single minister was in charge of post-war Iraq. ...

5.01pm: Chilcot asks Blair if he thinks it was worth it.

Blair says it is too early to say. But there are hopefully signs.

It was a very, very difficult fight indeed. It was always going to be difficult once these external factors came into play.

Blair says the latest information from the Brookings Institute shows Iraqis are "upbeat" about their future.

In 2000, 2001 and 2002 they had a child mortality rate of 130 children per 1,000, as bad as in the Congo. That equates to 90,000 deaths of children under the age of five every year. Now the figure is 40 child deaths per 1,000, which equates to 50,000 children under five surviving every year.

Blair says if Chilcot were to ask the Iraqis, they would overwhelmingly say that they were glad Saddam was deposed.

Chilcot says the war was very divisive. What broad lessons does Blair draw? And does he have regrets?

Blair says he has mentioned some of the lessons. You need to look carefully at the forces you require for nation building. You have to consider the nature of the threat posed by Iran and al-Qaida.

Blair says taking the decision was a "huge responsibility". He reflects on it every day.

If we had left Saddam in power, we would still have had to deal with him, possibly in circumstances where the threat was worse.

Many of the same arguments apply to Iran today. That's why he takes a hard line on Iran.

He believes our security is better with Saddam out of power.

If Iraq becomes the country it wants to be, Britain will look back with huge pride.

Chilcot asks if he has any regrets.

Blair says he feels responsibility, but not regret.

Someone in the audience interrupts. Chilcot tells them to be quiet.

Blair goes on:

I really think it is time we learnt as a matter of sensible foreign policy that the way to deal with on dictatorial threat is not to back another.

Chilcot asks if Blair wants to say anything else.

Blair says no.

Chilcot thanks Blair for his evidence. He closes the session.

5.25pm: Here are the highlights from the the last 90 minutes. This was probably the best part of the day, and the final few minutes - in which Blair delivered his summing up - were the most dramatic. I'll put up the full quotes in a minute, but first here are the key points.

• Blair insisted that he had no regrets about going to war in Iraq. He said that it was too early to say whether the war was worth it, but he said Iraqis were positive about their future and that thousands of Iraqi children were alive now who would not have been alive under Saddam. He said that if Saddam had not been deposed in 2003, the West would have had to take action against him later, possibly in circumstances "where the threat was worse". He also said that, although he made have done some things differently, he would not have changed any of the big decisions his took. (See 4.55pm and 5.01pm)

• He said that the government never expected Iran to intervene in Iraq after the war. He also never expected Shia Iran to work in alliance with Sunni al-Qaida. (See 3.55pm and 4.55pm)

• He said he thought around 100,000 civilians died in Iraq. (See 4.27pm)

• He said the West should stop backing dictators. (See 5.01pm)

• He insisted that cabinet ministers were properly consulted about his Iraq policy. (See 4.40pm)

• He said it was the MoD's decision to send more troops to Helmand while soldiers were still deployed in Iraq. (See 4.36pm)

• He said that if the MoD had asked for more resources after the war, he would have responded. (See 3.49pm)

• He admitted that Britain had not been consulted about the decision to disband the Iraqi army and impose de-Baathification. He said these policies were "probably" mistakes, but he said this was a matter of debate. (See 4.03pm)

5.47pm: This is what Blair said right at the end, when asked if the war was worth it.

It is too early to say right now whether the Iraqi democracy will take root ... There are really hopeful signs. If you look, for example, at electricity. If you look at income per head, which is several times what it was under Saddam. If you look at the money being spent on infrastructure. I think, yes, it was a very, very difficult fight indeed. It was always going to be difficult once these external factors came into play ...

If you look at the latest information from the Brookings Institute, and the polls that they are doing, about the right direction and the wrong direction for their country, they are actually upbeat about the future. If you look at whether they believe security and services are getting better, a majority of them think they are, despite all the trouble ...

Chilcot said the war had been "very divisive". He askedwhat regrets he had. Blair replied:

I had to take this decision as prime minister. It was a huge responsibility then and there's not a single day that passes by when I don't reflect and think about that responsibility. But I genuinely believe that if we had left Saddam in power, even with what he know now, we would still have had to have dealt with him, possibly in circumstances where the threat was worse and possibly in circumstances where it was hard to mobilise any support for dealing with that threat.

I think we live in a completely new security environment today. I thought that then and I think that now. That's why - I've said this to you a number of times today - I take a very hard, tough line on Iran today. And many of the same arguments apply. In the end it was divisive. And I'm sorry about that. I tried my level best to bring people back together again.

But if I've asked whether I believe we're safer or more secure, that Iraq is better, that our own security is better with Saddam and his two sons out of power, out of office, I believe indeed that we are. And that in time to come, if Iraq becomes, as I hope and believe that it will, the country that it's people want to it to be, then we can look back - in particular our armed forces can look back - with an immense sense of pride and achievement in what they did.

Chilcot then said: "And no regrets?" Blair replied:

Responsibility, but not a regret for removing Saddam Hussein. I think he was a monster, I believe he threatened, not just the region but the world, and in the circumstances we faced then, it was better to deal with this threat, to remove him from office, and I do genuinely believe that the world is safer as a result.

6.15pm: It was often said about Blair that he wasn't interested in detail. Today's appearance bore that out. He defended the war robustly - declining, right at the end, even to say that he had regrets about some of the aspects of Iraq policy that were lamentable (like the post-war planning) - and he kept his focus relentlessly on the "big picture". At one point he was almost dismissive about suggestions that that changing Whitehall machinery would have made any difference. He wanted us to know that he has a vision of the world in the 21st century, and of the threat posed to the UK by countries like Iraq and Iran. Given the strength of feeling on this issue, he is unlikely to have made any converts. But, if Iraq has to be his legacy, he seems determined to defend it with swank and vigour.

That's it. Thanks for the comments.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blog/2010/jan/29/iraq-war-inquiry-tonyblair


http://www.guardian.co.uk/ 29 January 2010

Tony Blair gives evidence to Iraq war inquiry – LIVE
• 'No secret deal with Bush'
• Terror threat 'changed dramatically' after 9/11
• Ex-PM could be recalled to inquiry 573 comments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blog/2010/jan/29/iraq-war-inquiry-tonyblair

Occupation almost failed, says Blair
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jan/29/blair-iraq-inquiry-chilcot-911-terrorist-threat

The key points at a glance
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-inquiry-key-points

Video: Watch highlights of Blair's evidence
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/video/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-inquiry-evidence

Families of dead voice anger at 'smirking' Blair
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-iraq-war-inquiry1

Anti-Blair protests at the Iraq inquiry
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/gallery/2010/jan/29/tonyblair-iraq

Blairometer: how Twitter rates performance
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blairometer/history

No Frost/Nixon moment just yet
Comment is free: Jackie Ashley, Martin Kettle, Jonathan Freedland and Seumas Milne on Blair 170 comments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-iraq-inquiry1

Afua Hirsch: Nuance is the order of the day
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-inquiry-afua-hirsch

Mehdi Hasan: Blair's truth and lies
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/29/tony-blair-chilcot-iraq-inquiry

29 January 2010

Arkisto 2004. "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan?". Salmén



Leif Salmén: "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan?

Sanomapark keskiviikkona 13. huhtikuuta 2005. Etusivu. Numero 340.   

Tulossa?



19.03.2005.
George W. Bush ja Tony Blair sekä Saddam kahleissa. "Tulossa?"-kuvat unelmoinut Pertti Manninen.


Tulossa?

"Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan? Teen vaatimattoman ehdotuksen; järjestetään tribunaalit Saddamia, Bushia ja Blairia vastaan rinnakkain. Silloin olisi ainakin joku mahdollisuus saada esiin koko totuus. Ja jos jonon jatkoksi laitetaan vielä Putin?

Se, joka rahoittaa tulevan presidentin valtaanpääsyn, vaikuttaa puolestaan siihen, millaista politiikkaa presidentin hallinto harjoittaa. Nykyisen presidentin yhteydet tiedettiin hyvin jo ennen viime kierrosta ja suunnitelmat olivat paperilla. Olisi pitänyt ymmärtää heti alkuun, mitä on tulossa. Nyt tiedetäänkin, että Irakin sota oli päätetty aloittaa jo heti Bushin kauden alussa.

Sodan seurauksista kärsitään nyt Irakissa ja maailmalla.
Vasta runsas vuosi sitten meille kuitenkin vakuutettiin, että Saddamin vangitseminen lopettaa vastarinnan. Rauhaan ei kuitenkaan ole mitään mahdollisuuksia niin kauan kuin amerikkalaiset miehittäjät ovat maassa. Eikö sitä nyt jo vihdoin ymmärretä? Eikö jo Afganistan ole opettanut tarpeeksi?
Sodan alussa ei haluttu mainita Vietnamia. Eikö Vietnam ole jo läsnä?

Bushin USA:ta ja Blairin Isoa-Britanniaa odottaa Irakissa historiallisen katkera tappio. Pahiten valheille perustuneesta aggressiosta kärsii kuitenkin Irakin kansa."

Leif Salmén. Kolumni. Taas raha puhuu. Iltalehti keskiviikkona 13.4.2005. Katkelmia.


Arkistosta.

Sanomapark tiistai 2006-12-08.
 
Sanomapark tiistai 2006-12-08.



Kuva. "Suomen lippu hämärän sinessä kuukausi sitten 2006-11-06 jolloin oli jo lunta maassa toisin kuin tänään" Pertti Manninen. Kuva.

Pääkirjoitus  Suomalaisten sotaintoilijoiden, valheisiin uskoneiden, niin johtajien kuin mediankin tarina karkeasti raapaistuna. Anteeksipyyntöä nämä intoilijat eivät ole esittäneet. Vieläkin puhutaan ja kirjoitetaan kunniallisesta vetäytymisestä. Ruumiita ei lasketa. Pertti Manninen. Pääkirjoitus. Sanomapark. Perjantai 2006-12-08.

Paavo Lipposen hallituksen päätös irakilaisdiplomaattien karkottamisesta oikeuskanslerin tutkittavaksiLue! 

Nettisanomien Irak-kirjoitukset 1999- 2006.

1999-08-27  -   2001-09-10  Lue!
2001-09-11  -   2002-12-31  Lue!
2003-01-01  -   2003-03-19  Lue!
2003-03-20  -   2003-05-01  Lue!
2003-05-02  -                     Lue!




2008-11-21  perjantai  (905)

Irak-kirjoituksia ym. arkistosta poimittuna tänään. Lue!

Pääkirjoitus &  Paavo Lipposen hallituksen päätös irakilaisdiplomaattien karkottamisesta oikeuskanslerin tutkittavaksi. & Nettisanomien Irak-kirjoitukset 1999- 2006.
Oikeuden voitto eli rehellisin kansa. Jan Myrdal. & Valtauksen merkki.
Valtauksen merkki. Vaikea kuva 2003.
USA ja liittolaiset ovat vallanneet Bagdadin eilen 9. huhtikuuta 2003. "Täsmäiskut" jatkuvat.
Är det bara "våra" liv som har något värde? "... Vain "meidänkö" elämällämme on jotain arvoa?" John Pilger. AFTONBLADET
USA:s invasion bör förklaras illegal. USA:n hyökkäys pitää julistaa laittomaksi. DGENS NYHETER
Liittohallituksen täytyy sanoutua irti. DIE WELT
"Bushin akilleenkantapää on talous" DAGENS NYHETER
George W. Bush ja Tony Blair sekä Saddam kahleissa. Kuvat. & "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan? Leif Salmén. ILTALEHTI
USA lade fram sina bevis.  DAGENS NYHETER. & Powell: Irak pettää YK:ta ja kätkee joukkotuhoaseita. HELSINGIN SANOMAT.
Vem ska hänga Bush?  Kuka hirttää Bushin? AFTONBLADET

Irak-kirjoituksia ym. arkistosta poimittuna tänään. Lue!

Arkistosta.

Sanomapark torstai 2003-04-10.

Irakin sota Median riippuvuus Sailaksen raportti Miss yliopisto Uusi erektiolääke

Etusivu
10.04.2003
 


 

 


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12
Torstaina 10. huhtikuuta 2003. Numero 193
     
    USA ja liittolaiset ovat vallanneet Bagdadin eilen 9. huhtikuuta 2003. "Täsmäiskut" jatkuvat.
Kaadot Irakin armeijasta tuhansia? Surmat siviiliväestöstä tuhansia? Kaadot liittoutumasta satoja?
     
 

Är det bara "våra" liv som har något värde? "... vi håller på att få en ny bipolar värld med två nya supermakter: Bush/Blair-gänget på ena sidan, och på den andra världsopinionen, en genuint folklig kraft som till slut har vaknat och vars medvetenhet ökar dagligen." John Pilger, Aftonbladet 08.04.2003. Vain "meidänkö" elämällämme on jotain arvoa?

     
 

USA:s invasion bör förklaras illegal. Jordansk oppositionspolitiker utmanar sin kung. Leith Shubeilat, Dagens Nyheter 06.04.2003. USA:n hyökkäys pitää julistaa laittomaksi.
Die Bundesregierung musste sich entziehen. "Der Krieg ist Ohne UN-Mandat nicht zu recht-fertigen. Entinen liittopresidentti Walter Scheel, Die Welt 31.03.2003. Liittohallituksen täytyy sanoutua irti.

     
  Sailaksen työryhmän jäsen professori Jaakko Pehkonen: "Opiskelu on valinta, onko joku pakottanut teidät tänne?" Neljä lehteä kirjoitti Jyväskylässä järjestetystä mielenosoituksesta.
Sailas ajoi opiskelijat kadulle.
Opiskelijat tyrmäsivät Sailaksen ehdotuksen.
Sailaan kaunis maailma ei houkuta opiskelijoita.
Pehkonen ja aamukahvi.
     

 

Yomin menestys on osakkeen-
omistajien etu.
Matti Mattheiszen, toimitusjohtaja Elisa Communications Oyj, Helsinki. Keskisuomalainen.
Huomaa myös: Professori Jarmo Leppiniemen Ilta-sanomissa julkaistun kolumnin jälkeen ehti tapahtua paljon: Ensin Keskisuomalainen haukkui professorin lyttyyn. Sitten lehti julkaisi päivää ennen Yomin yhtiökokousta asiallisen kirjoituksen siitä, mitä epäillään tapahtuneen. Kokouksen tuloksen lehti julkaisi asianmukaisesti: Yomiin haetaan erityistilintarkastusta. Keskisuomalainen 28.03.2003. Tiistaina aprillipäivänä 01.04.2003 yhtiön hallituksen puheenjohtaja Erkki Poranen ennustaa hallituksen vastustavan erityistilintarkastuksen suorittamista. Sitten päätoimittaja Erkki Laatikainen puolustelee toimintaa kolumnissaan Media on aina ollut riippuvainen ympäristöstään, Keskisuomalainen 05.04.2003. Samana päivänä lehti julkaisee talousosastollaan kirjoituksen Elisan Yomi aikeita arvaillaan.
Helsinkiläisten pankkiiriliikkeiden analyytikot näkevät, että isoveli kiusaa Jyväskylän Yomia. Keskisuomalainen 05.04.2003. Jatkuu...
Hiukan historiaa: Keski-Suomen Puhelin Oy:n (KSP:n) kaappaus. Sanomapark.fi 24.02.2000.

     
 

Tokalinja 31:n jengi ihaili yhteistä kuvakirjaa. Helsingin Sanomat 06.04.2003.
Katso myös: 3 rullaa, 32 kuvaa.Neljäslinja 26, Kallio, Helsinki keväällä 1956.
Katso myös: Iso-Britannian laivastovierailu. Helsinki syksyllä 1957.

     
  Juomat väärään kurkkuun eli pääkirjoitus: Sota ja urheilu.
Pertti Manninen, sanomanetti.fi 10.04.2003.
     

"Bushin akilleenkantapää on talous"
USA ja liittolaiset aloittivat "täsmäiskut"

Veri. Hiroshiman lapset.
Sodan kaksi näkökulmaa: Suorittajat ja siviilit.

     
 
Lahjoita ruokaa! "The Hunger Site"-sivulla käydessäsi ja siellä nappia painaessasi lahjoitat ruokaa maailman nälkäisille ihmisille. Sivulla mainitut sponsorit maksavat lahjoituksen puolestasi! Voit tehdä yhden lahjoituksen joka päivä. 16.09.99.
     
Tulossa. Martin Saarikangas - suomalaisten pienyritysten tappaja. Special.
     
12

192
193
194
 



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Haku arkistosta

Sanomapark
2003 alkaen
Vuodet 1999-2002 täällä!
   


Arkisto 2001.

 
SMILE
from MODERN TIMES
 
Lyric by
JOHN TURNER and GEOFFREY PARSONS
 
Music by
CHARLIE CHAPLIN
 
Moderately, with great warmth
 
 
SMILE, thou' your heart is aching,
SMILE, even tho' it's breaking,
When there are clouds in the sky,
you'll get by,
If you SMILE though your fear and sorrow,
SMILE and maybe tomorrow,
You'll see the sun come shining thru
for you.

Light up your face with gladness,
Hide ev'ry trace of sadness.
Alto' a tear
may be ever so near,
That's the time you must keep on trying,
SMILE, what's the use of crying,
You'll find that life is still worth while,
If you'll just SMILE.

 


AIN', hymy voimat antaa.
AIN', hymy taakat kantaa,
harmaatkin pilvet puistat
kun muistat
hymy AIN' pois vie murheen, huolen,
AIN', hymy ilon puolen
tuo auringon paistelulle,
sulle.

Kasvoillesi onni suo.
Suru aina murheet tuo,
nyt ne peitä,
kaikk' kyyneleet heitä.
Nyt se on tehtävä, itku pois,
AIN', hymy elämän tois.
Taistele, muista sääntö vain,
niin, hymy AIN'.

 

Moderately, with great warmth
AIN' - HYMY
suomennos: pertti manninen,
1.0-versio, 17.05.01
 

modern times - nykyaika. kuvitelma.
 

http://www.sanomanetti.fi/2001/05/17/hymy.htm




Sanomapark lauantai 2009-11-14 - Numero 1071
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Sanomanetti torstaina 20. toukokuuta 2004.

"Pankki oli matkalla kohti loppuaan, osakkeenomistajien rahat ja omaisuudet olivat vaarassa.

Jo vuotta ennen Esko Ahon pankkitukipäätöstä säätytalolla oli Aleksanterinkadun vanhaan pankkisaliin kokoontunut Suomen Yhdyspankin arvovaltainen hallintoneuvosto. Paikalla oli ilaskiveä ehnroothia björnbergiä pankin napamiehiä ja omistajia. Johtokunnan jäsenet Ahti Hirvonen ja Björn Wahlroos lukivat madonlukuja ja johtivat puhetta.  Lopuksi esitettiin Suomen taloushistorian kavalin ja peitellyin pelastusoperaatio, oli turvattava paikallaolijoiden ja muidenkin pankkien suuromistajien osakkeet ja omistukset.  Vanhan ja kunnianarvoisen pankin yhtiöjärjestys muutettiin huomaamatta veronmaksajien silmien edessä. Velkoja ja sitoumuksia siirrettiin vanhasta SYP:stä Pohjoismaiden Yhdyspankki Oy:lle,  joka kas kummaa muutti nimensä heinäkuussa vuonna 91 Suomen Yhdyspankiksi. Vanha ja kunnianarvoisa entinen SYP se muutettiin Unitas Oy:ksi. 
Uudelle yhtiölle roskapankki SYP:lle jäivät sekkitilit myös yleiseen liikenteeseen lasketut velkakirjat, sekä ulkomaiset että kotimaiset, ne siirrettiin tälle susipankille."
Seppo Konttinen
Ylen Talousarvio-lähetyksessä perjantaina 14.05.2004. Ohjelman nimi oli Pankkivangit.



"Maailmassa monta on ihmeellistä asiaa".

Maailmassa monta on ihmeellistä asiaa. Kuva Pertti Manninen. Jyväskylä. Asemakatu. Forum. Keskiviikkona 2008-11-12 klo 09:55. 




Tuuli käy heidän ylitseen ...

Kuva: Pertti Manninen



Sanomapark. Perjanttai 2010-01-28 - N:o 1101 - Tony Blair gives evidence to Iraq war inquiry Guardian - Irak: Pääkirjoitus, kuvia ja linkkejä. - Arkisto 2004. "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan?". Leif Salmén.

Vastaava päätoimittaja Pertti Manninen. Yhteys: sanomanetti @hotmail.com - Sivu 2010-01-29 ja 2010-01-30, nettiin 2010-01-30, linkkejä 2010-01-30.
Blogi: Viikkosanomat.fi - Kuvasanomat - Sanomapark  
Sanomapark.fi 2010/01/29 - Tony Blair gives evidence to Iraq war inquiry Guardian - Irak: Pääkirjoitus, kuvia ja linkkejä. - Arkisto 2004. "Milloin alkavat kansainväliset oikeudenkäynnit lännen sotarikollisia vastaan?". Leif Salmén. - Sanomapark perjantai 29.01.2010 - etusivu - kuva - kuvat - pertti manninen - sanomanetti - 12.fi - Lakisanomat - N:o 1101.



Onnellista vuotta 2009!

BONNE ANNEE 2009

Heti vuoden vaihduttua ja tanssin alettua, klo 00.01 Ranskan aikaa, Suomen paukuttelun jo hiljalleen päättyessä. TV5MONDE EUROPE, Le plus grand cabaret. Kuva: Pertti Manninen torstaina 2009-01-01 klo 01.01. Sama vuosi sitten: Kuva.

Kesän hyvä teko - Opeta lapsi uimaan! Lue!

"Tätä eri totuuksien kannattavuuden puntarointia helpottaa hyväksi koettu muistisääntö "jos etuus on todellista, totuus on edullista"." Bisquit Seppo Ahti tänään torstaina 2009-05-28 Ilta-Sanomissa. "Tosipaikan edessä".

Näin se menee:
Maanantaina makkarat tehtiin,
tiistaina tikut vuoltiin,
keskiviikkona keitto keitettiin,
torstaina tupaan kannettiin,
perjantaina perheelle annettiin,
lauantaina liemi latkittiin,
sunnuntaina suu pyyhittiin.

Sivun alkuun!


Sanomanetti.fi-sivuston rinakkaissivustona toistoja poistaen ja nimet ja logot muuttaen nettiin laiantaina 2011-01-01.

 

2012-05-10: Sivustolta on poistettu Keski-Suomen käräjäoikeuden 24.1.2012 antaman kunnianloukkausta koskevan tuomion 12/230 R11/268 johdosta tuomiossa mainittujen henkilöiden asianosaistiedot rikoksentekoajalta 6.5.2007 - 18.1.2012. Tuomio luettavissa osoitteessa: http://www.n3.fi/tuomiot/keskisuomiko20120124/etusivu.htm